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From a leading scholar of our country’s foreign policy, the brilliant essay about America and the world that has caused a storm in international circles now expanded into book form.
European leaders, increasingly disturbed by U.S. policy and actions abroad, feel they are headed for what the New York Times (July 21, 2002) describes as a “moment of truth.” After years of mutual resentment and tension, there is a sudden recognition that the real interests of America and its allies are diverging sharply and that the trans-atlantic relationship itself has changed, possibly irreversibly. Europe sees the United States as high-handed, unilateralist, and unnecessarily belligerent; the United States sees Europe as spent, unserious, and weak. The anger and mistrust on both sides are hardening into incomprehension.
This past summer, in Policy Review, Robert Kagan reached incisively into this impasse to force both sides to see themselves through the eyes of the other. Tracing the widely differing histories of Europe and America since the end of World War II, he makes clear how for one the need to escape a bloody past has led to a new set of transnational beliefs about power and threat, while the other has perforce evolved into the guarantor of that “postmodern paradise” by dint of its might and global reach. This remarkable analysis is being discussed from Washington to Paris to Tokyo. It is esssential reading.
- Sales Rank: #3312367 in Books
- Published on: 2004-01-27
- Released on: 2004-01-06
- Format: Large Print
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.28" h x .71" w x 5.44" l,
- Binding: Hardcover
- 192 pages
Review
“No academic piece in this realm has generated quite as much heat and interest since Samuel Huntington’s ‘Clash of Civilizations’ article in 1993 or Francis Fukuyama’s ‘End of History’ in 1989.”
—Francois Heisbourg, New York Times
“The most controversial big-think essay of the season.”
—Jay Tolson, U.S. News + World Report
“Come the hour, come the book . . . Kagan’s book is neither a diatribe nor a polemic. It is a penetrating effort to shed some light on the confusion in transatlantic affairs and to understand why Americans and Europeans are so frequently talking past each other . . . As an effort to crystallise an important moment in history and to provoke a fuller comprehension of contemporary international relations, Of Paradise and Power ranks with Frank Fukuyama’s The End of History and Sam Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations.”
—Raymond Seitz, The Times (London)
“Cogent and important…This book deserves to be read by all conscientious citizens.”
—Booklist
“One of America’s finest commentators on issues of foreign policy. He writes elegantly, has an excellent command of history and consistently demonstrates superior intelligence and insight. He ranks . . . among analysts whose work must be read. And the appearance of this book could not have been more timely, as ‘old Europe’ and the United States diverge.”
—Warren I. Cohen, Los Angeles Times
“His essay [has] the foreign policy establishment humming from Washington to Tokyo…It is being called the new ‘X’ article (George F. Kennan, using the pseudonym ‘X’ in the July 1947 issue of Foreign Affairs, conceptualized the Cold War policy of containment).”
—Lorraine Adams, The Washington Post
“Bob Kagan's provocative and thoughtful essay is required reading for everyone concerned about the future of trans-Atlantic relations. Ever controversial, Kagan's critical contribution to understanding American and European views of world order will be discussed and debated for years to come. Although not everyone will agree with Kagan's analysis, readers will benefit from its clarity, insight, and historical force.”
–Senator John McCain
“For its brilliant juxtaposition of strategy and philosophy, of the realities of power and the ethics of power, of the American ideal of justice and the European ideal of peace, Robert Kagan’s small book is a big book. Nothing like this has been written since the death of Raymond Aron.”
—Leon Wieseltier
“Though in the past we have often disagreed, I consider this essay one of those seminal treatises without which any discussion of European-American relations would be incomplete and which will shape that discussion for years to come.”
—Dr. Henry Kissinger
“No academic piece in this realm has generated quite as much heat and interest since Samuel Huntington’s ‘Clash of Civilizations’ article in 1993 or Francis Fukuyama’s ‘End of History’ in 1989.”
—François Heisbourg, New York Times
“Brilliant.”
—Francis Fukuyama
“This refreshing essay results from careful thought combined with critical information. Read it and you will think more deeply about this important arena.”
—George P. Schultz
Distinguished fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University
U.S. Secretary of State from 1982-1989.
“Anyone looking for an intellectual primer to explain the geopolitical forces at work in the Iraqi conflict should order a copy of Robert Kagan’s book, Of Paradise and Power.”
—Dominic Lawson, Sunday Telegraph
From the Inside Flap
From a leading scholar of our country?s foreign policy, the brilliant essay about America and the world that has caused a storm in international circles now expanded into book form.
European leaders, increasingly disturbed by U.S. policy and actions abroad, feel they are headed for what the New York Times (July 21, 2002) describes as a ?moment of truth.? After years of mutual resentment and tension, there is a sudden recognition that the real interests of America and its allies are diverging sharply and that the trans-atlantic relationship itself has changed, possibly irreversibly. Europe sees the United States as high-handed, unilateralist, and unnecessarily belligerent; the United States sees Europe as spent, unserious, and weak. The anger and mistrust on both sides are hardening into incomprehension.
This past summer, in Policy Review, Robert Kagan reached incisively into this impasse to force both sides to see themselves through the eyes of the other. Tracing the widely differing histories of Europe and America since the end of World War II, he makes clear how for one the need to escape a bloody past has led to a new set of transnational beliefs about power and threat, while the other has perforce evolved into the guarantor of that ?postmodern paradise? by dint of its might and global reach. This remarkable analysis is being discussed from Washington to Paris to Tokyo. It is esssential reading.
About the Author
Robert Kagan is senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where he is director of the U.S. Leadership Project. In addition to a monthly column in the Washington Post, he is the author of A Twilight Struggle: American Power and Nicaragua, 1977–1990 and coeditor, with William Kristol, of Present Dangers: Crisis and Opportunity in American Foreign and Defense Policy. Kagan served in the State Department from 1984 to 1988.
Most helpful customer reviews
4 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
Insightful
By A Customer
A very enlightening view of European vs. US politics, noteworthy in that Kagan blames neither 'side' for the recent rift surrounding Gulf War II. More than anything, European (Kantian) and US (Hobbesian) politics have evolved from historical circumstances, and, more importantly, both require the other to survive.
Also of note: his observation that recent US actions toward Iraq are not a function of W's politics, but are a essentially a pre-existing condition -- e.g., Clinton bombed Baghdad several times, in keeping with the precedent set by George Sr. This is a very important point for all those anti-war folks out there, who hailed W as some sort of monstrous imperialistic aggressor. On the contrary -- if anything, W's politics are unoriginal, and he merely followed the rhetoric established by his predecessor(s). It doesn't matter whether you were against this war or not -- to claim it as a Republican action is downright hypocritical, when, in fact, Clinton was virtually identical to W in his views on Saddam, and called for his ouster several times.
This book is a must-read for both sides (pro- and anti-war), but since, to my dismay, the anti-war movement was downright pathetic in articulating a real and relevant reason not to go to war, I think they could have benefited most from this. The result is that we'd have seen a much more rational and even compassionate debate had the left stayed away from ad hominem vitriol against W. And, in this post-war chaos, the right could have benefited from the nobility of Kagan's arguments -- instead of focusing on alleged WMD's and ties to Al Qaida, they could have positioned the US as 'the defender of paradise', which is far more compelling and justifiable (this is similar to what Thomas Friedman called the "right reason" and the "moral reason" for this war, rather than the "stated reason" of WMD's and the "real reason" of 9/11). I believe they blew a chance of making this country stand for something bigger (rather than just being bomb sniffers).
Regardless, this is a quick read (quicker than my review!), at times provocative, and definitely thought provoking.
5 of 10 people found the following review helpful.
A watershed analysis of foreign policy for the 21st century
By Joshua Rosenblum
This short book is essentially an expansion of a seminal essay penned by Kagan for Policy Review magazine last summer.
In that essay Kagan argued that the differences between the United States and Europe are real and widening. Kagan disputes the proclamations of policy makers of a unified "West" whose disparities are easily papered over. Instead, he claims that our differences are influenced deeply by our different psychologies that have developed in separate ways over the past 50 years.
Kagan notes that our different worldviews are products of America's relative power and Europe's relative weakness. The buildup to the second Gulf War amply demonstrated the differences in our outlooks. Because the United States has the power to respond effectively to threats or potential threats on a global scale, it is only natural that we should seek to deal directly and finally with these problems. Over the past 50 years, Europe has grown steadily weaker by comparison. It is only natural that they should seek to avoid threats and try to settle differences by negotiation.
Kagan's famous metaphor is that of the bear in the forest. If you are a man armed only with a knife, it is reasonable to adopt a strategy of avoidance, seeking not to instigate the bear's wrath. But if you are a man armed with a rifle, it makes sense to actively confront the bear, so as not to live under its threat.
This is the situation that America and Europe find themselves in at the moment and it is one that is not easily resolved.
Also contributing to the problem is that fact that over the past 50 years, Europe has successfully built a model of international interaction on the continent that stresses the abandonment of power politics. Europe, at this moment, lives in Franics Fukayama's "End of History" state, where democracy, economic pluralism and negotiation rule supreme. Because they have been so successful in this regard, and because they have lived in this paradise for so long, Europeans have long forgotten that the rest of the world, the world that the United States must operate in, is still mired in "history."
Because Europe is so blinded by its success, it seeks to export this model of international consensuality globally. Again by way of metaphor, Europe thinks, "Yes Saddam is evil, but Germany was once evil too. Is it not possible that through negotiation and cajoling that Iraq may be brought back into the international community and into the modern world?"
Of course, what Europe forgets is that their paradise is possible, only because the United States has guaranteed their security. German evil was crushed with American power, not French words. And more importantly, American power allowed for the reintegration of Germany into Europe. We solved "The German Question" for Europe, and thus allowed for the success of the European project. Without American troops in Europe as a brake for any resurgence in nationalism, and without American cajoling and pressure to build a stronger, united Europe to counteract Soviet power, countries like France could never have come to terms of agreement with Germany (the heart of the European project) for fear of their own security.
For someone like myself, who advocates a greater co-operation with Europe, Kagan's analysis is disturbing because it is so persuasive. For those of us who believe that the members of the "West" must all hang together or "assuredly we will all hang separately" it is a wake up call. In the current war raging between the forces of the Medieval and the forces of the Enlightenment, it may seem obvious to some that Americans and Europeans, as children of the Enlightenment, are all on the same side. But if the differences between us are truly as deeply rooted in our separate psychologies so that a majority of Europeans could (unbelievably) feel that U.S. intervention in Iraq is more of a threat THAN IRAQ ITSELF, then we may be faced with a situation where America will have to continue to go it alone to secure the future of liberty.
35 of 41 people found the following review helpful.
A must read for those interested in international politics
By Glenn Miller
It doesn't matter what political stripe you wear, Kagan's book is a fascinating look at current-day international politics. Kagan presents a wonderfully logical argument about the relationship between Europe and America. And while he doesn't necessarily present any information that is new or surprising, he does help connect the dots in a manner that makes most readers go, "Aha!" Kagan's writing style is very user-friendly, unusual in a field known for its clunky style and obscure historical references (Thomas Friedman notwithstanding). He uses wonderful anecdotes and analogies to help paint his picture of the differences in the ways that America and Europe view world-wide threats (A bear roaming in the woods is viewed differently by a man with a rifle as opposed to a man with a knife). And given these acknowledged differences, is it any wonder that America and Europe increasingly find conflict over the way we resolve these problems? America wants to quickly solve the problems with arms (we have lots of over-powering weapons and a strong distaste for any American deaths); Europe would much rather discuss the problems over time and come to a non-conflict resolution (they don't have the weapons and have come to appreciate the power of discussion). As a dyed-in-the-wool liberal, one who attended the numerous spring anti-war demonstrations throughout my hometown, I now look at the world in a different way after reading this fine book -- and what could be a better compliment to any author? And while I continue to feel America's heavy-handed approach is ultimately wrong, this book has given me a more balanced perception of the way things work.
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